Broadcasting

Images of Violence and Reform on the South African Broadcasting Corporation’s Television News Bulletins – July 1985 – November 1986

Author: Tomaselli, Ruth Teer
Date: 1992
Place: Durban, South Africa
Published: No
Type of product: Doctoral thesis in cultural and media studies
Length: 389 pp
Copyright: Ruth E Teer-Tomaselli and Centre for Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal, Durban, South Africa
CONTENTS

Preface
Synoptic Map of Political violence in South Africa
Chronology of Regulations and Court Challenges Regarding the Media, July 1985–February 1991.

1. Television News
2. The Origins of State Media Policy During the State of Emergency
3. Media Restrictions Under the First State of Emergency: Redrawing the Boundaries of the Law
4. Media restrictions Under the Second State of Emergency: Restoring Order
5. Adapt or Die: Apartheid and Reform
6. Communicating the Reform Process: A Case Study on Citizenship, Urbanisation
7. Defining Violence: ‘Unrest’ and `Terrorism’
8. Declaring a State of Emergency
9. Imaging ‘Unrest’: From Compassion to Compression
10. The Social Construction of the Enemy: The Demonisation of the ANC
11. Conclusion
12. Appendices

---

Available from the EG Malherble Library, University of Natal, Durban, and through UMI.

Author: Tager, Michele
Date: 1994
Abstract

In the light of the SABC’s move towards a policy of increased local content programming, it is essential that it be ascertained why a completely alien American soap opera has a vast black audience. There is an obvious paradox between the SABC’s emphasis on local content programming and the immense popularity of The Bold and the Beautiful.

This study examines whether The Bold and the Beautiful contributes in any was to the social reality of the viewer and whether or not it provides any kind of cultural reinforcement to the black urban viewer in Kwazulu-Natal, which is the geographic area in which the study was undertaken.

She chose to focus on a black urban audience firstly because blacks constitute the majority of the South African population. A second motivating factor was to ascertain why people from an afrocentric background are so taken with an American program which has an almost exclusively white cast. The objective lies therefore in establishing the ways in whcih an urban black South African audience identifies with this soap opera which is so alien in its cast and its content.

The topic was discussed from the perspectives of ethnographic audience response theory and reception analysis. Soap operas have more frequently than not been examined in the context of feminist theories for which reason Michele chose to steer away from this rubric, and to focus on the degree to which The Bold and the Beautiful is consumed across the gender divide. Little work of this nature has been done in South Africa, and no doubt Michele’s dissertation will make a contribution to the existing body of work.

Author: Smith, Rene
Date: March 2001
Type: Masters Dissertation
Copyright: Rene’ Smith and Centre for Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal, Durban, South Africa
Introduction

Perhaps the best way to begin is to dissect the title of this dissertation. It follows then that this paper will explore representations of violence and gender relations in Yizo Yizo. In so doing, the dissertation will assess the text and context of Yizo Yizo by answering both ‘what is it?’ and ‘what is, this is it?’ The intended ambiguity utilises the English translation of Yizo Yizo (discussed in the preface) to illustrate that the paper is mutually constitutive of the composition of the text (story line) and the ontology of Yizo Yizo (real life occurrences informing the script). Complementary to this, a reception analysis is utilised to facilitate the assessment of the discourse of violence, gender, and authenticity in relation to the series, Yizo Yizo.

The paper will be divided into three main sections, each inclusive of sub-sections. The first section of the paper, methodology, begins with an analysis of the text and context of Yizo Yizo and includes comments on audience reception at a macro and micro level.The second section of the paper will develop comments on text and context by exploring the genesis and aims of Yizo Yizo. In so doing, I will assess the relationship between Yizo Yizo and various educational bodies, including the SABC’seducation department, SABC Education;the national Department of Education, and its, Culture of Learning Teaching and Service Campaign (COLTS).

Looking at issues surrounding the production of an ‘educative’ series dealing with township high school life leads to discussions on students/learners; notions of youth, subculture, and music – the local genre, Kwaito in particular. The Yizo Yizo compact disc recording (CD) featuring Kwaito artists informs the discussion on the intertextuality of the series.

Issues of representation will characterise the third section of the paper, and will include a textual and discourse analysisin which “meaning, representation and culture are considered to be constitutive” (Hall 1997: 6). The construction and production of meanings through language will inform the discussion on gender, where harassment and rape as forms of violence against women will be assessed within the context of the patriarchal discourse of gender (Fiske 1987; hooks 1994). Audience responses to representations of female characters and violent images (for example) will feed into this section on representation. The connection between representation and reception and reception and representation is best explored in the ‘circuit of culture’, which is composed of five different localities constituting the production of meaning – each of which is interrelated (Hall 1997). These include ‘representation’, ‘consumption’, ‘identity’, ‘production’, and ‘regulation’. The two former localities are of primary concern to this dissertation and will contribute to further discussions on the nature of Yizo Yizo. To this extent, I will explore whether or not the series offers alternative approaches to representing conditions of township high school life, or whether or not the series re-articulates representations within the dominant ideology.

As a sub-text to the above-mentioned discussion on violence and gender, the research will engage notions of reality considered in the context of verisimilitude. In so doing, the discussion will interrogate the generic construction of Yizo Yizo so as to assess whether or not representations of violence and gender – violence against women in particular- are ‘probable’ and therefore ‘appropriate’ to the programme ‘type’ or form (Neale 1990). More importantly, issues of genre will highlight the construction of Yizo Yizo “as part ofa widely shared and widely recognizable reality” (Smith 1992: 57).

It follows then that the study will entail an examination of the meanings and messages implicit in representationspresented in the programme. The discussion on representations of gender for example, will include a general analysis of language(spoken and gestured) utilised in the series and seen in relation to social myths and stereotypes about women. Language and meaning are furthermore implicit in culture, which in turn is “concerned with meaning; the practices which generate that meaning, and the representational forms in which that meaning is encoded” (Tomaselli 1989:38).

Finally, an overview of the above illustrates that I will attempt to explore the relationship or inter-relation between the context, programme/text, the viewers/audiences, the content and the form of Yizo Yizo. In so doing, I will attempt to engage the “call for interdisciplinary media research that integrates textual and social aspects of investigation, and quantitative and qualitative methodologies” (Drotner 2000: 162).

Download the entire article

Author: Powers, Deanna
Date: 2001
ABSTRACT

This study synthesises three conceptual areas-identity, fictional television programmes and memory to examine what young people remember about their fictional television viewing and how it impacts their identity. Memory is used as a window through which long-lasting identity influencers can be analysed; this takes the analysis beyond the level of ‘effects’ to a more contextualised view. Focus group research and a quantitative overview work to uncover which fictional programmes stand out in young people’s memory and why. Research further interrogates what events, characters or story lines young people recall and why these elements are important. The answers to these two research questions crystallises the ways in which South African youths’ memories of fictional programmes impact their identity formation. The hypothesis that young South Africans remember that which directly affirms or contradicts their lived experience, is found to be partially true. Similarly, the second hypothesis that fictional memories of South African 15- to 20-year-olds impact youth identity through a direct link between memory selection, interaction and application is found to be fractionally substantiated. The final conclusion of the study is that while memories of fictional programmes do impact the identity of young people, it must be viewed within the larger context of lived experience.

Download the entire article

Author: Bechan, Nirvana
Date: 1996
Place: Centre for Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal
Product: A Technical Report
Copyright: Nirvana Bechan
Terms of Reference

This technical report is written as part of the requirements for the Masters degreein MediaStudies at the Centre for Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal. Each student is required to serve a three to four week internship at a media institution. I served my internship at the radio station Safm at the SABC in Auckland Park from 8-26 July 1996. My mentor at the radio station was Tony Lankester, organizer of the Department of Magazines and Access.

This report evolves out of the practical work experience and observations during my internship at Safm. The report is due to be submitted to the Centre for Cultural and Media Studies on t30 September 1996. The purpose of this report as a requirement for the Masters degree is so that students undertaking this degree are given an opportunity to compare the theoretical concepts of their coursework with the real working world of the media industry. In this Report I provide an analysis of Safm as a public service broadcaster. One of the limitations experienced while conducting my research was that the internship period was too short. Nevertheless it is my hope that this analysis is useful to the production and management staff of Safm.

Synopsis

A public broadcaster is entrusted with the task of informing, educating and entertaining the public in an objective, holistic and impartial manner. It is the duty of public service broadcasters to empower its audience in terms of helping them understand their contexts and democratic rights. The findings of this Report reveal that the station is established on hierarchical, bureaucratic structures whereby policy-makers determine the structure and programming schedules of the station to match the needs and interests of a hypothetical audience. There exists a great deal of tension between those in administrative and management positions and the actual production staff. The production staff at Safm seem to be geared towards contextualizing their programmes while administrators and managers are convinced that Safm is a nation building station. They go as far as imposing a national identity on the public. This is purely idealistic as the real conditions of the South African public are not taken into account of, in a fully contextualized manner. This condition is severely limiting in terms of promoting and understanding cultural diversity and creativity in society. The station focuses almost exclusively on national issues, leaders and celebrities. There is no provision made for promoting local cultures and issues which in reality have greater relevance to the lives of the majority’ of South Africans. The station has a serious shortage of staff and it is for this reason that research cannot be carried out in full capacity. Local events are often neglected due to the fact that the station is weak on contextualizing various local stories. Research facilities need to be drastically improved and more, well trained staff from a variety of diverse contexts need to be employed in order to handle this crisis.

Download the entire article

Author: Baker, Russell
Date: 1993
Published: No, but submitted to the IBA in Mimeo form. The chapters from which the recommendations are drawn are published in: Mpofu, A., Manhando, S. and Tomaselli, K.G. (Eds) Public Service Broadcasting: Policy Directions Towards 2000. Johannesburg: Anthropos Publishers. See Baker “Policy Considerations for Religious Broadcasting”, 225-249.

Type of Product: Results of a research survey conducted by the Centre for Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal, for the Film and Allied Workers Organisation (FAWO).

Copyright: CCMS and FAWO.

ABSTRACT

Since the inception of broadcasting, religions and churches have used radio and television to advance their own theological perspectives. This has not been a uniform process and the nature of religious broadcasting varies from country to country, depending on commitments to commercial or public service broadcasting principles, the internal make-up of religious communities and the political commitments of the broadcasters to reflecting social conditions.

Religious Broadcasting

Apartheid led to the distortion of PBS broadcasting on the level of policy, staffing and financing. This effected religious programming as extensively as any other genre. In order to redress past and present imbalances it is important to keep the varying objectives of religions and the broadcaster in mind. Generally religions wish to broadcast to address the religious needs of their established community and to fulfil their prophetic and proselytising functions.

A public service broadcaster, in contrast, transmits religious prgramming to address:

a) a diversity of religious needs; and

b) to facilitate the process of religious and cultural tolerance and understanding.

The goals of religious institutions and PSB overlap only in part. A model must therefore be found which encompasses as much of these two objectives as possible. The model should:

a) give representative control of theological issues to churches and religions for meditational and worship programmes; while

b) still giving the broadcaster some control over documentary and actuality programmes in order to protect diversity and to address the religious needs of those outside formal religions.

RELIGION IN SOUTH AFRICA – FORMAL AND INFORMAL

Religion does not function uniformly in any society. In South Africa, the heterogeneity of religious forms of life and religious expression are extreme.

The 1991 census figures suggest that out of a population of roughly thirty-one million people, 66.5% define themselves as Christian, 1% as Islamic, 1.2% as Hindu, 0.2% as Jewish, and 30.9% have no religion or refused to specify in the census what their religious beliefs were.

These statistics are not unproblematic. The 1992/93 Race Relations Survey estimates that there are about 39 million South Africans, and many development agencies argue that there are at least 35 million people in this country. The census figures should therefore be used as an indication of the diversity rather than an accurate representation of religious belief. While South Africa seems to be dominantly Christian, a significant part of the population entertains alternative religious views. Furthermore, the plural category of Christianity does not reflect a unified theological or political grouping. Broadcasting policy for religious programming must therefore reflect this diversity and make space for contradiction and debate.

MEDIA USE AND PRACTICES

Historically, the form of programming that explicitly draws a relationship between itself and the supernatural, the form we normally call religious television, can be divided into three parts. The first of these is sustained time broadcasting which is religious broadcasting by mainstream churches provided without charge by a public service broadcaster. Such is the form of programming broadcast by the religious department of the SABC. Secondly, there is paid time broadcasting, where specific churches or groupings purchase commercial air time for their own broadcasts. This is the dominant form of religious broadcasting in the United States and has thus far been mostly characterised by a fundamentalist, new right theological perspective. In South Africa, Rhema’s Christian Television (CTV) on TSS (now NNTV) is an example of this category. Thirdly, mystical therapeutic broadcasting denies an explicit relationship with religion, but is seen to satisfy the spiritual needs of its viewers or fulfil a religious function.

Amongst this final category, analysts locate programmes that deal with self-help, therapy, soft sciences and even the environment. This final category has never been seen as religious programming in South Africa and seems to be part of the result of a growing awareness of the transcendental aspects of television viewing as a whole. This awareness springs out of a reworking of the concept of `leisure’.

One of the direct implications of a broader religious function of television is that formal mainstream churches’ claims to sole jurisdiction over the religious content of a public broadcaster becomes problematic. If a public service broadcaster is in fact serving some of the religious needs of a diversity of people, some of whom claim no explicit religious affiliation, then that broadcaster should not abdicate all its responsibility to mainline churches. It becomes essential for the public broadcaster to acknowledge a duty to serve the religious needs of those outside formal religion.

PROTECTION OF DIVERSITY

Protection of diversity will be both difficult and controversial. Religion and politics are unavoidably inseparable. Churches make it absolutely clear that prophesying and advising is one of their chief functions. Furthermore, it is a function they wish to exercise with unrestricted editorial freedom if given access to broadcast time (SACC proposals for religious broadcasting). Even when not giving explicitly political commentary, the world view of any religion necessarily bears some relation to, and commentary on, its soci-political moment.

SABC – CURRENT POLICY AND STRUCTURE

1.ADMINISTRATION

The SABC’s religious broadcasting department forms part of `Television News Productions’ (TNP). This business unit is commissioned to produce 2 hours of religious broadcasts a week per channel in accordance with its mandate from the SABC board.

2.DETAILS OF FINANCING

Funding comes primarily from licence fees and cross-subsidisation as sponsorship for religious programmes is minimal, although religious music and children’s programmes have shown some revenue earning potential. A SABC board prohibition exists for the sale of advertising for religious programmes.

– Budget

The TV Religious Department works on an annual budget of R14 million (1993 financial year). The TNP business unit negotiates this figure on a yearly basis with the three channels. This figure currently finances 180 minutes of religious programming a week for both TV1 and CCV and approximately half that amount for TSS/NNTV.

On average, religious programming costs R1 118.00 a minute on TV1 and R1 005.00 a minute on CCV. The figures for TSS/NNTV are not available.

– Advertising

Religious programming is being funded through cross-subsidisation and licence fee allocations due to the theological and practical difficulties surrounding the use of advertising in these programmes. It has, in the past, proved possible to sell advertising for gospel music and religious children’s programmes. The level of this advertising however could never be expected to offset the cost of religious broadcasting, and a system of subsidisation by either the broadcaster or the churches will always be necessary.

PROGRAMMING

1.Foreign/Local Ratios

The issue of a local programming content requirement in South Africa has been rigorously debated. Arguments surrounding this topic pertain to all genres of programming, including religious broadcasts.

South African society reflects a diversity of religious beliefs and forms of life, yet apartheid and its attendant segmentation of society has limited widespread understanding and tolerance of these beliefs. Documentaries on religion could address this need especially if they draw on, “a plurality of programmes produced from a diverse range of production sources”. The supporting argument for this is that the diversification of production source will ensure the representation of a diversity of belief and practice.

This desired diversification for religious broadcasting can be achieved in several ways:

a) through giving churches and religions the theological control they wish to exercise over worship and meditation programmes; and

b) through commissioning documentaries and other non-worship programmes from a diversity of production sources such as the churches themselves (some of whom have production facilities) and the independent sector.

Although the SABC’s Religious Department does not have a minimum local content requirement at present, the vast majority of the programmes broadcast are local. This is commendable considering that American evangelical programmes can be broadcast free of charge, yet in itself a high level of local content has thus far failed to provide a representative reflection of South African religious life.

The current practice of favouring local productions should be protected and expanded. A minimum local content requirement figure of 80% has been advanced by African Christian Television (ACTV). This appears to be a realisable objective considering that the vast majority of meditational and worship programmes will be local. Local content requirements must however also be coupled to a commitment to a diversity of sources as this will foster religious and cultural tolerance.

2.Distribution Across Channels

Both TV1 and CCV purchase approximately 180 min of programmes a week from TNP (Religious Department), while TSS/NNTV buys about half that amount. This time allocation compares favourably with international practices

3. Existing Policy

SABC’s Religious Department now claims to have suspended its standing policy (SABC Board, 4th October 1992) and is presently operating in accordance with the Jabulani Recommendations for religious broadcasting. This recent adoption of the Jabulani principles as policy still remains at the level of commitment, and programming content remains largely unchanged. However, unilateral restructuring at this stage will benefit neither the broadcaster, the audience nor religious groupings. It is imperative therefore that a process of consultation be more fully adopted.

EDITORIAL PRACTICES

1. Commissioning Policy

The SABC’s division of its production services and channels into discrete business units and the corresponding emphasis on profitability and target audiences holds several implications for religious broadcasting. The commissioning of religious programmes according to a commercial ethic will frustrate the attainment of public service objectives. Divisions and differences in South Africa’s religious life are strongly related to the country’s political and economic history. Commercialization does nothing to redress past imbalances in programming as socially and economically advantaged groups have until now been the primary target of the SABC’s Religion Department.

2.In House/External Productions

All local religious programmes are produced internally by the Religious Department’s own producers, who are linked to TNP. This works against the public service objective of protection of diversity of sources. For this reason a cost effective way of including independent producers should be sought. If religions are given theological freedom over worship, or if they prefer, reflective programmes, then it is mainly on the level of documentary and actuality programming that independent producers need to be consciously included. Chuches who have there own production facilities, or who wish to use independent producers should be given the freedom to do so.

3. Consultation

The SABC does not have a formal religious advisory board, but it does have discussion groups with Christian church representatives for both radio and television. These discussion groups have been organised according to language groups and follow a typical apartheid rationale; a Zulu group in Natal for Radio Zulu, a Xhosa group in the Eastern Cape for Radio Xhosa etc.

In 1993, the SABC initiated discussion groups with non-Christian religions who have a membership in excess of 100 000. According to the SABC this means that Hindu, Islamic and Jewish representatives will now be consulted.

A RELIGIOUS FORUM FOR CONSULTATION AND ACCESS

The SABC has made a submission to churches regarding the creation of a religious forum. Such a forum had previously been called for by the SACC in order that churches gain greater theological control over religious broadcasts (see SACC proposals in main research paper).

It is indeed essential that such a forum be established if the SABC is to reflect the religious diversity of South Africa. Furthermore, the SABC has no principled basis for acting as a theological judge when broadcasting the viewpoints of various religions and denominations. However, the commercial structure of TV1 and CCV conflict with greater church control over religious broadcasting. According to their commercial objectives, these channels want full control over their “product” in order to maximise their “target” audience and subsequently their advertising revenue.

The SABC and the churches need to address the contradiction between commercial and PSB objectives together. There should be no confusion as to the differences in the role of a national broadcaster and the role of a church. The overall structure and objectives of the SABC will, to a large degree, determine the limits of religious broadcasting. If the SABC moves to reduce its reliance on commercial advertising and increases its emphasis on public service objectives it will be in a position to give more comprehensive coverage to all churches.

ACTUALITY, DOCUMENTARY AND ARGUMENTATIVE PROGRAMMING

Religious topics can be approached from both religious and secular perspectives, as indeed can secular topics. Any approach from a religious perspective should originate from religious groups or churches. This applies especially to worship and meditation programmes, where religions should control the theological perspective and hence have full editorial control of programmes. It is important that SABC push ahead and create a structure whereby such control will be facilitated. Participation should not only be welcome, but encouraged. This applies especially to groups which have as yet had limited or no input into religious broadcasting, most notably black independent churches (which make up the largest faith group in the country) and non-Christian religions.

The SACC proposal regarding the creation of a forum for religious broadcasting could well provide the structure whereby churches could gain control of meditational and worship programmes. All church groups and religions should however be able to participate in determining the structure and processes of such a forum. Obviously the structure of such a forum will be partly determined by decisions about the structure of the national broadcaster. If SABC is transformed to include more regional and community broadcasting then the churches and religions of regions should be accommodated according to that structure.

SABC should not merely become a production house for religious groupings. It must retain the responsibility of addressing some of the religious needs of viewers outside formal religious groupings (as much as 30% of the population) as well as controlling actuality programmes about religion. Actuality programmes should be commissioned and produced in consultation with the religious forum, but due to the need for some argumentative programming, editorial control of non-ministry programming should remain with the public broadcaster. This model has been advocated in other parts of the world, and is a result of a growing awareness of the complexity of ways in which television addresses the religious needs of people.

EDITORIAL CONSTRAINTS

Due to the sensitive nature of religion, many normative limitations are often placed on religious programmes. Previous SABC policy (see above) prohibited coverage of controversial issues. Internationally, many public broadcasters have controls over proselytising during broadcasts. However, given the diverse nature of South African religious life, it would be advisable that such restraints be avoided, as they would be difficult to enforce and would result in bland uniform programming. Beyond a prohibition on dealing with matters sub judice (pending legal judgement) and a principled commitment to deal with religious beliefs in a positive rather than negative way (ie. to expound on the specific content of religious belief rather than to attack other religions), such constraints should not be adopted.

RACE, GENDER, SEXUALITY AND THE SECULAR STATE

The interim constitution for South Africa, which comes into effect after the April elections, protects people against discrimination on the basis of race, gender and sexuality. Historically, however, religions have been used to justify, and encourage racism, sexism, and homophobia. A potential conflict exists between religions determined to fulfil their prophetic mission in this regard and the secular state bent on protecting the values of its constitution.

Although it would be certainly theoretically possible to prohibit discriminatory comments, this would be difficult to enforce and could adversely effect comprehensive participation in religious broadcasting. An alternative would be to incorporate, when necessary, the PSB principle of “right to reply” into the practices of the Religious Department.

The principle of right to reply should be applied to religious broadcasting in addition to news and actuality programmes. This is a necessary responsibility attached to the theological freedom the churches desire, but it will certainly not be easy to enforce as religions continually posit gender, sexuality, and to a lesser degree, racial stereotypes as normative standards connected with their religious world views. The national broadcaster should be used to inform and create understanding, and not to disempower already disadvantaged and marginalised sections of South African society. Both the broadcaster and religious groups should be sensitive to these issues, and mechanisms for conflict resolution should be thought out.

CONCLUSION

A specific model for religious broadcasting must necessarily cohere with the overall commitments and structure of PSB as well as satisfying the demands of major churches and religions. The details of such a model should be worked out in consultation. It is recommended however that policy emerging from such a process should contain the following:

* a commitment to represent the diversity of religious beliefs in South Africa

* protection of democratic access and editorial freedom for churches and religions to broadcast meditation and worship programmes

* a commitment by the broadcaster to address the needs of those on the fringe of formal religions.

* Use of the production facilities owned a) by religious institutions; and b) independent producers for the making of programmes.

***

Russel Baker
Researcher
Media and Culture Research Unit
Centre for Cultural and Media Studies
University of Natal
Durban 4001